Bose's Letter to Berlin, 18 August 1941
No. 213 195/139197-202
Memorandum by the Director of the Political Department
U.St.S. Pol. 788
BERLIN, August 18, 1941.
M. Bose gave me the attached letter for the Foreign Minister with the request that it be transmitted, and explained it orally.
Bose attaches special importance to the description of the dangerous deterioration of the political situation in India, also with regard to the increasing American influence on the Indian national resistance. He places this objective point of view in the foreground. However, Bose also sees his personal possibilities for later influence vanish if lie remains inactive here any longer. A certain note of urgency in his letter is explained by this attitude of Bose's, and this should not be held against him.
If one considers the situation in India solely by itself, it would be urgently desirable to have the declaration regarding a free India issued soon, because it would supply the nationalist forces with a weapon against Gandhi's willingness to compromise which is growing under Anglo-American influence. [Mohandas K. Gandhi, Indian Nationalist leader, President of the Congress party.] Naturally the question cannot be viewed from this standpoint alone. Rather it is a question of choosing a favorable point of departure with respect to general policy. Thus, the entry of English troops into Iran would perhaps be an event that would offer a plausible occasion for an Indian declaration, which could then be placed in the even larger context of the British rape of the eastern nations. The provisional draft declaration submitted at the time in Fuschl is again appended. [Draft of May 19 (195/139203-04).] This draft lacks the introduction, which would provide an essential part of the declaration and would have to be adapted to the specific circumstances in which the declaration is issued.
I told Bose that he had to recognize, after all, that the Fuhrer was a master in choosing the moment for political actions; so that he could have full confidence.
I believe that it would have a good effect on Bose's present mood if the Foreign Minister wrote him a few personal lines in reply, and a draft is enclosed for this purpose. [Not printed (195/139205).] Otherwise Bose could be informed accordingly by word of mouth. [See document No.296.]
State Secretary Keppler likewise received a copy of the letter from Bose and is informed of this memorandum.
Submitted herewith to the Foreign Minister through the State Secretary.
WOERMANN
[Enclosure] (The enclosure is in English in the original)
HOTEL ESPLANADE, BERLIN, August 15,1941.
YOUR EXCELLENCY: I feel constrained to take the liberty of addressing Your Excellency because the situation in India today is extremely serious.
I have been here since the beginning of April and my proposals were placed before Your Excellency soon after my arrival. [See vol. XII of this series, document No. 300]
The situation in my country was then exceedingly favorable for the success of my proposals. Unfortunately, no decision was arrived at by the German Government and since then, the situation in India has worsened considerably.
The outbreak of the war with Soviet Russia has been made to appear to India as an act of aggression and Soviet-British-American propaganda has made the fullest use of it. Day after day, the Soviet-British-American propaganda machine has been telling the Indian people that Germany is out for world-domination and, in particular, for the domination of the Orient. I am alarmed to see how effective this propaganda is gradually proving to be.
Even prominent people who have spent their whole life in fighting England and have been in prison for long years, are being increasingly influenced by this propaganda and are thinking that if there is no hope of obtaining India's freedom through the help of the Axis, it is better to make peace with Britain on the best terms available. If this process is not arrested, the time will soon come when the majority of the Indian people will definitely take their stand on the Soviet-British-American side. W e cannot hope to bring India over to the side of the Axis, if the Axis Pokers do not first declare their policy regarding India.
India is being prepared as the central military base of the British Empire. An army of one million men is being raised in India which will be fully equipped by modern war-industries newly established there. If this plan succeeds, we have no doubt that even after the German occupation of England, the British Empire will carry on the war, using India as the base.
America is now playing an increasing role in the internal politics of Oriental countries, e.g., of China, where she has brought about an agreement between Chiang Kai-shek and the Chinese Communist Party. [This may refer to press reports published in Japanese-occupied China at the end of July regarding an alleged agreement between the Chinese Government and the Communists according to which the latter would disband parts of their armed forces in return for subsidies paid by the Government. Cf. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1941, vol. V. pp. 533-536.] With a new American Minister and an American Military Attaché in India. America will also play a role in the internal politics of India. [Announcement of an agreement regarding the reciprocal exchange of representatives between the United States and India was released to the press on July 21. The nomination of Thomas M. Wilson and Commissioner of the United States to India with rank of Minister was confirmed by the Senate on July 24. See Department of State, Bulletin, 1941, vol. V, p. 74.] And if America succeeds in bringing about a similar compromise between Gandhi and the British Government, the position of the party standing for Independence and Revolution will be greatly weakened.
There is still time to save the situation in India, but if there is further delay in issuing the declaration regarding Indian Independence, I am afraid it will become extremely difficult for us to win over the Indian people to the side of the Axis. Once the majority of the Indian people go over definitely to the Soviet-British-American side, the declaration will no longer have any value for India.
Further, if there is no declaration regarding Indian Independence, the nearer the German armies move towards India, the more hostile will the Indian people become towards Germany. The march of the German troops towards the East will be regarded as the approach, not of a friend, but of an enemy.
If, therefore, the declaration is to come at all, it should come before the German armies are moving further eastwards.
The new Anglo-Soviet guarantee to Turkey indicates that the British attack on Iran is imminent. [See Document No. 238 and footnote 3.] The road to Afghanistan which has been open all these months will be cut after the British occupy Iran and it will then be difficult for us to work out our plans regarding India. With Iran under British occupation, there will be one solid bloc under British control, stretching from the Mediterranean to Burma. The work in the Tribal Territory and in India will then be much more difficult than before.
The joint announcement made by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill regarding their programme of post-war reconstruction has been interpreted by the London radio to mean that India will get her freedom after the war. [See Document No. 209.]America has also decided to negotiate directly with the Dominions on outstanding problems of common interest, independently of Britain. All these facts further confirm the view that America, will in future, intervene in the internal affairs of the British Empire and in consequence thereof, a compromise between Gandhi and the British Government appears highly probable in the near future.
I fully realise the complexity of your problem and I certainly cannot expect Your Excellency to do anything for India, which may be considered prejudicial to your national interest. But India stands today at one of the cross-roads of her history and the situation there is deteriorating from day today. If, therefore, we are to be effective in our work for India, we must act at once. I would, therefore, beg Your Excellency not to leave us in suspense any longer but to come to an early decision, whatever that decision may be.
Thanking Your Excellency,
Yours respectfully,
SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE
From: US Department of State. Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1918-1945. Series D (1937-1945). Vol. XIII. The War Years June 23-December 11, 1941. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1964, 328-29.